Imagine for a moment that you are in the place of an investigator from the anti-terrorist brigade at the Bouchoucha barracks. You must question two notorious Islamist leaders, Rached Ghannouchi and Ali Laârayedh, on the issue of sending thousands of young Tunisians to Syria. To do this, you base yourself on the complaint of the former elected representative and member of the Advisory Commission for a New Republic, Fatma Mseddi. The said case consists largely of testimony heard in connection with the work of the parliamentary commission which was supposed to investigate the same subject, in other words no concrete element. This does not prevent you from being a significant link in a case that grabs the headlines and that captures the attention of those in power and the entire political scene. It’s really not comfortable.
It goes without saying that the issue of sending young people to Syria is very important to the power in place. Its activation after years is evidence enough to prove it. On the other hand, it is unthinkable for the power to relive another Bhiri episode, with an investigation leading to nothing but clearing the accused who was believed to have been jailed. It is in this logic that justice seized Fatma Mseddi’s complaint about a case in which the culprits are all found, namely the Islamists.
For almost ten years, the entire political scene and the media scene have repeated over and over again that the Ennahdha movement, when it was in power, facilitated, encouraged and even pushed for the inclusion of several thousand young people in terrorist groups active in Libya. and in Syria. Proving it today at the legal level is another pair of sleeves.
However, rely on Facebook posts and virtual campaigns that convey all kinds fake news is not new to the current in place. These are the same sources that had been used to get the President of the Republic to say that a former elected official had 1,500 million dinars and that the unemployed wife of a lawyer had 100,000 dinars in her account and several homes. Therefore, it is not surprising to see the same power mobilized on the file in question, especially since the possible gain is enticing.
In these times of scarcity and economic crisis, it would be a gift for the government to succeed in putting leading Islamist figures behind bars in a case as controversial as that of the youth sent to Syria. Conversely, if they ever get out of it, they will be whitewashed once and for all and will be able to claim that this is a political trial against the leaders of a major opposition force to power.
On the other hand, it does not mean that the power in place does not know how to make the Islamists responsible, that they are innocent. Many crimes were committed during the time they were in power. In the case of young people who have reported to Syria, the authorities have proven to be particularly lax. No self-respecting government can allow thousands of its young people to be herded into Syria like cattle to serve as cannon fodder in a war for regional influence. Ali Laârayedh’s time in the Ministry of Interior will go down in history as one of the worst in terms of freedoms, security and the management of social movements. April 9, the attacks in Siliana, the Ansar Chariâa parade in Kairouan and the attack on the American embassy are dramatic events that took place while Ali Laârayedh was at the head of the Ministry of Interior. . The suspicions of illegal enrichment of several Nahdhawi figures also date from the same period. All this without counting the damage to the Tunisian state and Tunisia from the bad political choices and the spiral of debt that the country is entangled in until today. No sooner had the Tunisians opened up to politics and public affairs right after the revolution, before the Islamists had the ability to provoke, in record time, democratic fatigue, which breeds record abstentions and the resignation we see today in the face of what looks like despotism. power along the way.
Kaïs Saïed’s power needs a victory, an achievement. Faced with the deterioration of the economic and social situation, the repeated shortages and the declining purchasing power of the Tunisian, the power must present a semblance of balance.
We must also not forget that the general election is approaching and that, although the next parliament will have only very limited powers, Kaïs Saïed cannot tolerate another slap in the face by the electorate.
The surest way to these achievements, as the Islamists did during the Troika period, is to put the “enemies” in prison. Rached Ghannouchi, Ali Laârayedh, Habib Ellouze and others must absolutely be condemned to give some oxygen to the power that is in place. The president’s groupies and a not inconsiderable part of public opinion will welcome this for weeks, and it will make it possible to approach a winter that promises to be warm with more calm.
Be that as it may, it is double or cease for the power in place and especially for the Minister of Justice Leila Jaffel, who, as if by chance, found favor with the President of the Republic, who received on September 16 after ignoring it since. the illegal dismissal of the judges last June. The question is whether the Islamist leaders will be jailed for these crimes or whether they will walk out of Bouchoucha.
Habib Ellouze and Rached Ghannouchi were released by the prosecution, while all lovers of power already welcomed his imprisonment. Only Ali Laârayedh was detained. The outcome of this power play promises to be a loser.